dimanche 15 janvier 2012

Petroleum minister to visit India for TAPI transit fee talks

Petroleum minister Dr Asim Hussain will be visiting New Delhi to discuss the issue of transit fee for Turkmenistan Afghanistan Pakistan and India (TAPI) gas pipeline project with his Indian counterpart on January 24. Talking to reporters Petroleum Minister confirmed that he would be visiting India to discuss the issue of transit fee. He said India was currently out of the Iran Pakistan pipeline and could join the project in future only if Tehran was ready to provide additional supplies to New Delhi. 

An official source said talks on transit fee will centre around the two international formulas of the transit pipeline length and volume of the transit natural gas. During the talks both countries would be presenting their proposals on the transit fee that would be shared with both governments before final decision. Turkmenistan has already finalised the Gas Sale Purchase Agreement (GSPA) with all the participating countries for $7.6 billion TAPI gas pipeline that will pave the way for the supply of 3.2 billion cubic feet of natural gas per day (bcfd) from South Yolotan /Osman and adjacent gas fields to South Asian states through a pipeline. The pipeline will cover 1,680 km from Turkmenistan through Herat and Kandahar in Afghanistan, cross Pakistan border near Chaman to pass near Zhob, DG Khan, Multan, and onwards to Fazilka near Pak-India border. Asian Development Bank (ADB) is acting as the facilitator and coordinator for the project and had funded a feasibility study of the project.


Pakistan and Turkmenistan have agreed on the gas sale price of $360 million cubic meter (mcm) at the Turkmenistan Afghanistan border after deduction of $29 mcm as transit and transportation cost through Afghanistan. The cost will be $10.28 mmBTU. The base price comes to 70 per cent of Brent oil parity in the mid country delivery point of Multan. The contract price formula comprising basket fuels of HSFO 380 centistokes (cst), HSFO 180 cst and Gasoil 0.5 sulphur, is based on prices of Singapore quotation of Platts oil gram. To share risk of transportation and transit variability through Afghan territory both the countries also agreed on a risk sharing formula. The agreement also contains clause for gas price review after five years.


The source said price of gas has remained the major outstanding issue. Pakistan wanted buyers to negotiate price jointly with the seller but Afghanistan and India negotiated price on bilateral basis with Turkmenistan. After the signing of GSPA by the four participating countries, the process for hiring Transaction Advisor is expected to be started. The project will take between four to five years to complete after signing of all the contracts with gas flow target of 2016.



Source: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2012/01/petroleum-minister-to-visit-india-for-tapi-transit-fee-talks/

Rauf Denktash obituary

Rauf Denktash, who has died aged 87, was a hero among Turks, an archvillain to Greeks and, for the army of international diplomats and policymakers who dealt with him, an irritant par excellence. As the leader of a state recognised by no other country but Turkey, he will forever be the subject of such split assessments.

A one-man show almost from day of its birth on 15 November 1983, the breakaway Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus came into being thanks to the sheer obstinacy, determination and chutzpah of Denktash, a British-trained barrister who prided himself as much on his in-depth knowledge of the "Cyprus problem" as his ability to push the parameters of international law.
For the generals in Ankara, with whom he kept excellent relations, he was a political heavyweight on whose hawkish views they could always depend. But for the countless UN secretary generals forced to deal with him at the negotiating table, his uncompromising support of a "two-state" solution to the island's division – in defiance of international support for a federation – made him an immovable rock against which peace initiatives were repeatedly dashed.
Denktash was born in the southern coastal town of Paphos, 10 years after the island was annexed by the British in 1914. The son of a judge, he attended the English School in Nicosia before winning a scholarship to study law in London. He returned to Cyprus in 1947 to work as a solicitor, soon becoming a member of the consultative assembly set up by the colonial administration. In the 1950s, during the struggle for independence, he helped found the TMT, the Turkish Resistance Organisation, a paramilitary group even then promoting partition of the island in reaction to the Greek-Cypriot Eoka guerrillas' fight for enosis – the union of Cyprus with Greece.
After independence in 1960, Denktash was elected chairman of the Turkish-Cypriot community council. Four years later, with the island in the throes of inter-ethnic strife, he travelled to attend a UN security council meeting, but when he tried to return to the island found himself banned by the Greek Cypriot-dominated government. With the Turkish-Cypriot community forced into ghettoes, a UN peacekeeping force was allowed in and has remained ever since.
Denktash tried to return to Cyprus again in 1967, but was captured and sent to Turkey. The following year he was permitted to return and take over as representative of the Turkish-Cypriot community at negotiations called to rewrite the island's constitution and put an end to the conflict. The talks lasted for six years, making little progress, before being brought to a halt by a coup engineered by the junta then ruling Athens against Archbishop Makarios, the island's first post-colonial leader, in 1974.
Denktash welcomed the Turkish armada that soon arrived to "save" his community. Although the Turkish minority represented just 18% of the island's total population, the army seized 37% of the land – creating 200,000 Greek-Cypriot refugees almost overnight. But military intervention was necessary, Denktash said, to persuade the Greek side that a bicommunal, bizonal independent Cyprus was the only answer to stopping further bloodshed.
It was a position that Denktash was to maintain ever after, arguing with fierce eloquence that Turkish Cypriots would become a footnote in history if the island were allowed to revert to exclusive Greek rule. To the array of Greek-Cypriot leaders, UN envoys, US presidents and UN secretary generals who would come and go, he would argue that there was no such thing as a "Cypriot nation", but Greeks and Turks who were forced to live side by side. "The only thing that is truly Cypriot are Cyprus donkeys," he would say.
In 1975, as a prelude to the full-scale independence he so craved, Denktash was made head of the Turkish federated state of Cyprus hoping to give the north equal billing with the recognised government in Nicosia. But this administration and the self-styled Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus were never accorded the legitimacy of the Greek Cypriot-controlled south, angering him into further intransigence and ultimately the slow ossification of settlement attempts. "We are not subjects of the Greek Cypriots," he said in 1994. "The Greek-Cypriot side never intend to have a federal solution with us."
As the impasse continued, a whole generation grew up in the north never having met a Greek Cypriot nor having seen the south. Denktash saw himself as the only person who had experienced the Cyprus problem since its genesis and therefore the one most likely to have the key to a solution. But international isolation also brought resentment and ultimately anger. Exhausted by years of being embargoed by their fellow Europeans, even in the arena of sports, Turkish Cypriots increasingly hankered for a solution. Ankara, too, appeared to waver, seeing the advantages of a settlement in easing the growing economic hardship in the north. It was indicative of the mood that the one-time strongman failed to win his third presidential election in April 1995 at the first time of asking, having to make do with a second-round victory.
The Greek Cypriots' successful bid to enter the EU, representing the island's internationally recognised southern sector, further stoked local fury. But Denktash remained resolute, preferring the option of partition to reunification. His rejection of a peace plan assembled by the UN secretary general Kofi Annan was the tipping point. In 2003 thousands took to the streets waving placards that demanded a settlement and his removal from office. Many complained that the man who had personified Turkish-Cypriot politics for over half a century had turned the north into a "vast prison camp". At first, Denktash brushed off the protests as the acts of "marginal traitors." But under pressure he soon agreed to free "cross-border" travel allowing Turkish Cypriots a glimpse of the much richer south for the first time since 1975.
As demand intensified for a more flexible approach, Denktash declared that he would not seek office again. In 2005 he left politics. "Whatever mistakes we committed, the result is a 23-year-old young, dynamic, small republic which is necessary for the security and strategic location of Turkey," he said in 2006.
A dog lover and keen amateur photographer, Denktash withdrew from public life but behind the scenes continued to exert an influence on Turkish Cypriots who support the notion of a two-state solution to a dispute that still shows no signs of being resolved. He is survived by his wife, Aydin, a son, Serdar, two daughters, Deger and Ender, and 11 grandchildren.
• Rauf Raif Denktash, political leader, born 27 January 1924; died 13 January 2012

mercredi 18 mai 2011

Turkish company to install closed shooting range in Azerbaijan

Turkish Target Atış Sistemleri will install an indoor shooting range for a military structure.


The statement came from head of company Yigit Cifctiguzeli .

The experts of the company will arrive in Azerbaijan next week to hold meetings and technical study.

100-meter indoor range and interactive teaching and shooting system will be installed.

Cifctiguzeli added that the system creates a simulation close to real conditions.

“Everything is based on real images in our interactive systems. This allows the military to conduct exercises in a closed landfill in accordance with the actual images.”

So far, the Turkish company has built 100-meter indoor range for State Border Service.

Target Atış Sistemleri implements projects not only in the Turkic-speaking countries but in most Arab and some European countries.



Turkic Student Association, Turkey, Azerbaidjan, France, Turcophones, Turcs, Lyon

lundi 16 mai 2011

Azerbaijanis danced in the streets to celebrate their country's proud victory in the Eurovision Song Contest

Thousands poured from their homes to party through the night after their entry Running Scared - performed by duo Ell and Nikki - beat big-name rivals like Jedward and Blue to clinch the cheesy music prize.


The oil-rich former Soviet nation has pumped millions into trying to win since first entering in 2008.
It now hopes Saturday's victory will raise Azerbaijan's profile like film joker Borat did for Kazakhstan's.
Rolan Muradov, from the Azerbaijan Culture International organisation said: "Winning is very nice."
The country, which gained independence in 1991, will host next year's contest in its capital Baku.
Singer Nikki Jamal, who performed the winning song with Ell Gasimov, told of her joy after the triumph in Dusseldorf, Germany. The mum of two, 30, based in Highgate, North London, said: "It's beyond my wildest dreams. I can't believe I beat Blue and Jedward."


Previous cultural highs for Azerbaijan include being among the first countries involved in cinematography. Hits include popular 1919 flick The Celebration of the Anniversary of Azerbaijani Independence.


mardi 10 mai 2011

Opportunity Knocks

By Ban  Ki-moon
and co-authored by President Abdullah Gül of the Republic of Turkey and Prime Minister Jhala Nath Khanal of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal
Next week, in Istanbul, world leaders have the chance to kill two birds with one stone: To breathe new life into solid, long-term economic recovery and to fulfill long-term commitments to reduce poverty, hunger and disease in the world’s 48 least developed countries (LDC).
This diverse group of nations -- 33 in Africa, 14 in Asia and Oceania and one (Haiti) in the Western hemisphere -- has one common desire: Increased engagement in the global economy. In the last decade, LDC exports have risen by a factor of five, and their share of world trade has doubled. But with 12 percent of the global population -- some 900 million people -- LDCs still collectively produce only 1 percent of world exports and receive less than 2 percent of global investment.
Investing in LDCs offers a vast, and virtually untapped, opportunity to provide much-needed further stimulus to the global economic recovery without significantly burdening the balance sheets of developed countries with more red ink. G-20 leaders recognized this last year at their meeting in Seoul.
In recent years, more than half the LDCs have shown consistent growth built on demand for commodities, diversification of their economic base or more productive regional partnerships. Nepal, which currently holds the presidency of the LDCs, is typical of many LDCs that are working to improve essential social services, encourage inclusive and transparent governance and provide efficient environments for doing business in the 21st century.


But LDCs will not escape their vulnerability easily. Climate change, in particular, poses a severe challenge. While LDCs produce the least greenhouse gas emissions compared with any other country grouping, their agriculture-oriented economies are the most threatened by the effects of a changing climate. Many are prone to desertification, or are at risk from sea-level rise and tropical storms. Others, like Nepal, depend on run-off from mountain glaciers that appear to be receding.
Rising food prices also present a clear test. Most LDCs are net food importers. Half their populations live in extreme poverty. One person out of three is malnourished. Agricultural capacity is low. On the other hand, the vast areas of under-utilized arable land in LDCs means they offer considerable potential to increase world harvests: Improving nutrition security at home and mitigating food price inflation that -- as we have already seen -- poses a threat to social and political security worldwide.
Most measures under negotiation by governments going into the Fourth United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries (LDC-IV) in Istanbul are well within the capacities of the world’s nations. Development assistance from the North has been generous, and has been rising over the last decade. We hope to see this trend continue. At only one quarter of total Official Development Assistance, aid to LDCs can easily increase -- with considerable returns on investment to all parties. It can help to improve basic infrastructure, train the abundant human capital and ensure the transfer of adapted know-how. All these are important for attracting greater foreign direct investment. And indeed, productive capacity-building will be the main focus of the LDC conference in Istanbul.

We would also like to see more incentives for investors who want to get in on the ground floor of economies that are using a base of prized primary commodities as a foundation to diversify. This includes bringing down trade barriers to LDC exports and fulfilling commitments enshrined in the Monterrey Consensus and the Doha Declaration on Financing for Development. Studies have shown that 100 percent duty-free quota-free access to markets would have only a negligible impact on domestic producers in host countries, but could bring profound benefits to LDCs. Equally, relieving LDCs of their debt burden would free up resources for improving infrastructure and productive capacity.
One development that gives us new hope is the growing role of the global South. Statistics from the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) show that companies from emerging economies raised their direct investment abroad to record levels in 2010. A good deal of that investment is going to LDCs. Combined with growing trade and assistance, nations like India, Brazil, China, South Africa and Turkey are serving as new models for LDCs under the South-South Cooperation.
For their part, the LDCs are working hard to overcome the various social, economic and environmental challenges they face so they can follow in the footsteps of the major emerging economies that have fared so well in the past two decades, including by enacting political and economic reform. Only by providing a fuller global economic role for these countries can we set in motion the necessary economic currents that will carry often unstable nations towards the security and stability the whole world needs.
Investing in LDCs is a classic win-win for all: Traditional donors, emerging economies, the private sector and -- most important -- nearly 1 billion people who deserve to enjoy their rights to social progress and better standards of life. Opportunity knocks in Istanbul on 9 May. Let us seize it.
Ban  Ki-moon is the Secretary-General of the United Nations

mardi 3 mai 2011

Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan Boost Trade

News.Az interviews Serik Primbetov, Kazakhstan's ambassador to Azerbaijan.
The second plenary session of the Turkic Parliamentary Assembly, where the chairmanship passed from Azerbaijan to Kazakhstan, ended in Astana recently. How are ties developing between Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan?


I have to say that ties between Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan are developing successfully. We will probably reach the pre-crisis level of mutual trade between the two countries, including supplies of engineering and oil equipment from Azerbaijan to Kazakhstan and grain, oil products and oil from Kazakhstan to Azerbaijan. 
The TurkPA session is a remarkable event. Milli Majlis speaker Ogtay Asadov spoke about the improving and developing cooperation with Turkic states. The chairman of Kyrgyzstan's Jogorku Kengesh and the speaker of the Kazakh parliament, Ural Muhamedjanov, also emphasized the need to broaden the borders of, I would say, a Turkic-speaking union. And in this connection, the TurkPA session in Astana voiced the hope that the interparliamentary organization would admit new states. The next sitting will be held in the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek. Thus, I think our relations will improve and I would like to mention one more point - other forms of cooperation started with alliances suggested by presidents, businessmen and so on, but this time an alliance has started by uniting the parliaments of Turkic-speaking states and this is very important, because the legislative base must come first and then the executive base will follow. Otherwise, pronouncements are made but the laws do not fit. This is why the reconciliation of our legislative bases is the top priority which will be followed by other processes.

Let’s switch to the legislative basis. What new agreements are in preparation between Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan?  

I think no such steps are envisaged between our two countries, since we do not reconcile legislation, we develop trade and economic relations. Reconciliation of the legislative basis takes place within the TurkPA. While we mainly conclude agreements, including agreements in the sphere of oil products, agriculture, culture and so on.

What mutual visits can be expect in the near future?

The Milli Majlis chairman has just visited Kazakhstan. This was one of the most significant events in the life of our two states.

When will the next sitting of the Azerbaijan-Kazakhstan intergovernmental commission on economic cooperation be held and what will it discuss?

The next sitting of the intergovernmental commission will be held in Baku this year. The dates have yet to be set by its two co-chairs - Azerbaijan’s minister of industry and energy, Natig Aliyev, and Kazakhstan’s minister of oil and gas, Sauat Mynbayev, depending on their personal schedule. We are pleased with the work of the intergovernmental commission; it has stepped up in the past 18 months and is gaining steam.

What trade developments are expected?

I have already told you that this year we have reduced the gap triggered by the crisis of 2008. We have already come closer to $400m. I think we will reach the pre-crisis level of trade in about 12 to 18 months.
What are your expectations for oil and gas cooperation and Kazakh grain sales to Azerbaijan?

There are certainly prospects in the oil and oil and gas sphere. As for grain, as far as I know, Azerbaijan will import more grain from Kazakhstan, since our grain is of high quality, with a high gluten content, which is why I think we will step up cooperation this year.

Did Kazakhstan's grain supplies to Azerbaijan reach the 1m tonne level in 2010?
Yes, we quadrupled supplies compared to 2009. We supplied almost one million tonnes of grain.

Is another increase expected now?

It depends on Azerbaijan’s demand.

What volumes of grain sales have been agreed in 2011?

No agreement has been reached yet. The business structures dealing with grain export and import are working on this issue.
What are your expectations for the development of the oil and gas sector between Azerbaijani and Kazakh companies?

SOCAR and KazMunayGaz have already established cooperation in this sphere.

Is it expected to grow?

Everything depends on price policy. It depends not only on oil prices but also tariffs. The lower the tariffs, the greater volume of oil will be sent.
Source: http://www.news.az